Postmodern
Epistemology: The Problem of Validation And the Retreat from
Therapeutics in Psychoanalysis
Michael
J. Bader, D.M.H.
Psychoanalytic
Dialogues, 8(1): 1-32, 1998
Social-constructivist
and other postmodern currents within contemporary psychoanalys
put a great premium on an epistemological critique of positivism
and the authority of the analyst.
This focus
on the essential ambiguity and constructed nature of experience
implicitly tilts the analyst's interest away from a disciplined
attempt to develop systems of validation that rely on observable
patient responses as confirmatory data with which to judge the
analyst's interventions and understandings. As a result, even
while defending themselves against charges of relativism and
solipsism, many postmodern writers still tend to idealize uncertainty
and implicitly discourage the clinician from seeking greater
accuracy and clarity about the patient. Epistemic doubt and an
ethic that celebrates surprise, although useful as a corrective
to tendencies toward rigidity and arrogance in technique, unnecessarily
clouds the ubiquitous existence and possibility of accurate intersubjective
understanding. This bias can be seen as historically linked to
similar processes in academia in which progressive intellectuals
abandoned a social change agenda in response to a growing political
conservatism and cultural cynicism and, instead, became increasingly
involved in "theory for its own sake." Similarly, the
epistemological position of the postmodernists sponsors a bias
against therapeutic activism and inadvertently rationalizes a
growing pessimism in our own clinical practice.
Theories, like
analysts, reveal as much by the questions they do not ask as
by the ones they do. Nowhere in psychoanalysis is this point
more emphasized than among the social constructivists and related
postmodern theorists. As seen through this model, the analyst's
interpretation of a clinical moment reflects a complex choice,
riddled with subjective and theoretical bias. At every moment
the analyst's choices reveal some things while leaving others
in darkness, encourage the patient to deal with some issues and
not others, construct one ending and not another. Analytic reality
is thus always constituted as much by the roads not taken as
by the roads that are.
On the broader
level of cultural critique, the postmodern project takes a similar
position, deconstructing our dominant ideals and values-Progress,
Democracy, Equality, Freedom, and Gender-and showing us how these
grand "narratives" (Lyotard, 1983) exclude and suppress
the voices, experiences, and interests of the Other, be that
Other a minority group, women, gays, and so on. These omissions
operate behind our backs. We live our lives as if our ideal's
and values were universal truths instead of constructions within
a particular social and historical space or, as Heidegger put
it, a particular "cultural clearing" (as cited in Cushman,
1995). The abstract ideal of equality in Western society, for
instance, takes on a different meaning if examined in the context
of the gross inequality within which it arose and was shaped
and the ways in which the virtue of equality excluded people
of color and women, was based in part on the need to justify
a free market system, or assumed a particular system of gender
relations. In other words, an important postmodern precept is
that behind every narrative, including narratives of progress,
lies a counternarrative of those left behind or of alternative
paths not taken.
Viewed from
within this sensibility, classical analytic technique itself-clearly
an advance over its hypnotic precursors is profoundly marked
by what it omits and takes for granted. Its emphasis, for instance,
on the interpretation of transference distortion can be seen
as based on the presumption of a neutral analyst able to bracket
her or his own personal subjectivity. The possibility that the
analyst's unconscious is crucially constitutive of the patient's
experience is overlooked; it is not the classical theorist's
main interest. For contemporary theorists, however, this ideal
of the analyst as "the one who knows" what is really
going on inside the patient is the most pressing issue to deconstruct,
based as it is on a defensive denial of the omnipresent play
of the analyst's psychology, which continually shapes what the
analyst sees, says, and does. Thus, the relative absence in classical
theory of a focus on the analyst's subjectivity invites contemporary
critics to put the notion of neutrality in a new light, expose
its limitations, and better understand certain clinical phenomena
such as the patient's conflicts over accurately perceiving the
psychological issues of the analyst (Hoffman, 1983; Greenberg,
1991). By problematizing what is taken for granted and not questioned
in classical theory-the analyst's privileged access to objectivity-contemporary
postmodern analysts deepen our understanding of what we do question,
namely, the meaning of the patient's reactions to the analyst.
The result is a more complex and compelling view of the analytic
interaction.
In recent years,
the postmodern sensibility has become increasingly influential
in psychoanalysis. I argue that, in particular, its emphasis
on epistemology, its focus on the constructed nature of analytic
knowledge and experience, its critique of the positivist tradition
of classical psychoanalysis, and its eagerness to remind us of
the centrality of ambiguity, doubt, surprise, contingency, and
heterogeneity in the analytic situation have increasingly shaped
analytic discourse. As the pendulum begins to swing toward this
new paradigm, however, it should lead us to ask if anything has
been left behind. In so asking, we need to do to the contemporary
goose what has been done to the classical gander and consider
what is omitted from the current postmodern discourse, the questions
that are not pursued vigorously, the "choices" made
to not study certain problems in analytic technique, and the
values that are de-emphasized. In this context, one might ask
if the emerging constructivist ideal of the analytic relationship
makes some interests seem more legitimate than others, some voices
worth listening to more than others, some goals better pursued
by the analyst than others.
Moreover, if
the constructivist turn in analysis captures something of the
spirit of our age, it makes sense to ask if this emerging perspective
reflects something of the problems of our age as well. It has
been argued (Mitchell, 1993) that the contemporary emphasis on
the hermeneutic and intersubjective construction of reality mirrors
a crisis of confidence in social authority, including the authority
of science, technological progress, the professional "expert," and
the classical psychoanalyst. In this historical reading, the
postmodern sensibility dovetails with an emerging social consciousness
that questions tradition, is skeptical about universal truths,
and challenges traditional hierarchical role-relationships. However,
our modern age also contains a great deal of social pathology,
including intense feelings of anxiety, cynicism, and political
hopelessness. Might we not ask if echoes of these social currents
can also be seen in the postmodern approach (Leary, 1994)? (footnote
1)
I will critically
examine one of postmodernism's main "centers of gravity" (Elliot
and Spezzano, 1996): epistemology. I will argue that the postmodern
emphasis on epistemology, on the inherent uncertainty and ambiguity
of the analyst's clinical understandings, tends to shift our
attention away from recognizing and expanding the frequent and
significant moments of certainty and accurate understanding in
the analytic relationship. Donnel Stern (1991) has argued that
modern hermeneutics proceeds on the assumption that "misunderstanding
is the natural state of affairs" (p. 56). In other words,
the postmodern critique of how and what the analyst knows tends
to draw attention more to how this knowledge is biased, contingent,
and constructed than to how the analyst can use clinical data
to systematically validate his or her knowledge and generate
more accurate versions of this knowledge. In arguing that a positivist
type of "accuracy" is impossible or inappropriate to
pursue-reality is constructed and not discovered-these theorists
tend to veer away from attempting to either define or operationalize
their own systems of validation, systems that must, of necessity,
inform their clinical work. The commonplace clinical questions
that we are all called on to answer-are we on the "right" clinical
track, are we "in tune" with the patient, is the analysis "moving," is
the patient "getting somewhere," is the patient "getting
better"-require at the very least a kind of informal system
of validation, of rough criteria for answering yes or no. Yet,
even as analysts, regardless of orientation, always focus on
these issues in practice, the postmodern emphasis on uncertainty
in theory does not lend itself to making this a primary object
of study. Instead, the possibility of validation is acknowledged
only to be ignored. To the extent that it is addressed, the focus
tends to be on the vicissitudes of the analyst's subjectivity,
the analyst's countertransference, rather than on developing
a disciplined way to use patient variables, particularly the
observable behavioral, affective, and verbal responses of the
patient, as sources of confirmatory evidence.
In my view,
this bias or omission leads to the frequent sense in postmodern
writings of a lag between theory and technique, a gap between
epistemology and clinical practice. I believe, further, that
this tendency to distrust or eschew interest in issues of validation,
of how a therapist should judge if she or he is more or less
doing the right thing, sponsors a bias against a disciplined
focus on therapeutic aims and, therefore, diminishes the clinical
relevance of modern epistemological debates. To the extent that
there is such a subtle "tilt" in postmodem theory away
from generating useful clinical principles that might increase
our efficacy, this tendency to neglect therapeutic aims reflects
a more general bias within psychoanalysis that emphasizes process
over outcome.
In the last
analysis, this bias away from an interest in validation and therapeutics,
the fact that these issues do not occupy a central place in most
postmodern theorizing (with important exceptions that I discuss),
is part of a broader cultural retreat from an idealism and optimism
about progressive political and social change. It dovetails with
the similar tendency in academia to turn to a highly abstract
method and philosophy that "deconstructs" ideals that
claim universality rather than critically confront in the public
arena the injustices of prevailing systems of power. It may be
legitimate to question ideals that have failed to live up to
their promise. The problem is that social change movements are
also energized by ideals, by an optimistic vision of how a society
could and should be structured. I argue that as movements for
social change collapsed in the 1960s and 1970s, as the society
became more conservative, there was a widespread disaffection
with politics, an increased cynicism about change, and a movement
away from an interest in forming communities and toward personal
fulfillment. Progressive intellectuals, excited at first with
the critical possibilities of certain postmodem intellectual
currents, shifted their energy to the pursuit of academic advancement
and security based on turning out more theory with less public
accessibility or political relevance. Postmodern criticism in
intellectual and academic circles increasingly shifted its discourse
to a more relativist, apolitical, and abstruse level. No longer
able or interested in changing the world, these social critics,
intellectuals, and academics turned toward an increasingly rarefied
and abstract postmodern discourse unhinged from its full potential
for political practice.
The turn toward
postmodernism in psychoanalysis tends to both reflect and potentially
advance a similar tilt away from practice-in this case, from
developing principles to guide therapeutic practice. In its preoccupation
with the inherent ambiguity of reality, as well as its increasingly
philosophical approach to discussions of this reality, the postmodern
sensibility can become unhinged from a systematic attempt to
change that reality.
The
Issue of Validation: The Postmodern Narrative
In an attempt
to anticipate the objection that I am critiquing a "straw" constructivist,
it might be useful to draw a clearer and more nuanced portrait
of the position about which I am raising questions. In response
to various assumptions in the classical paradigm, the postmodem
perspective assumes that psychoanalytic experience isn't "knowable" in
the same sense that one can "know" the weight of a
table. The analyst's mind isn't a reliable instrument in the
same way a scale is. Psychoanalytic "truth" is saturated
with ambiguity, indeterminacy, and contingency, and the resulting
truth claims are necessarily "constructions" and interpretations.
In asserting this, the postmodemists are claiming that constructivism
is fundamental to all experience and all knowing. It infuses
ontology and epistemology, within and outside the analytic dyad.
Experience,
according to this position, is "constructed," in part,
by virtue of its being context dependent. The ways that we feel
about ourselves and others are fundamentally influenced by our
real and imagined audiences. If I appear to be irritated, you
may not necessarily be able to infer that this is a core trait
of mine. It might be related to something about you. So, as an
analyst, what I understand about you as a patient might be a
contingent response to me to begin with. And I do not, as an
analyst, have a privileged grasp of that which I am communicating
and to which you might be responding (Hoffman, 1983, 1991a).
Not only is the analyst not omniscient about her or his own unconscious
and how it is being communicated, she or he can never be completely
aware of what she or he is communicating in the moment because
self-awareness is always retrospective (Renik, 1993b). The analyst
is always expressing her or his complex subjectivity and can
only "catch" it-if at all, and never completely-after
it is expressed. Thus, the analyst's inferences about the stimuli
to and context of the patient's experience is always ambiguous,
partial, and contingent (Hoffman, 1994). Clinical "facts" are
constructed both prospectively and retrospectively. Consider
Ho-man (1992):
"But
in the social constructivist model there is another source
of uncertainty that derives from questions such as, on the
retrospective side, what is not yet understood about the meaning
of what I have said or done? And on the prospective side, what
qualities of relating are available to the patient and to me
at this moment? Can I relate to the patient now in a way that
is authentically expressive at the same time that it promotes
new understanding or the realization of new potentials in the
patient's experience [pp. 293-94]
The analyst's
theory and psyche are always influencing what the analyst sees
and what meanings the analyst detects, constructs, and reconstructs
in and for the patient. From the very first moment of the first
meeting, the analyst begins to loosely formulate hypotheses about
the patient and the analytic interaction. These rudimentary or "low
level" theories inevitably bear the stamp of the analyst's
theoretical preferences and psychological dispositions. Schafer
(1992) described in detail how the foundational theoretical assumptions
of the analyst begin to organize the material, and Hoffman (1983,
1992) and others (Levenson, 1983) have focused on the personal
biases and personal blind spots and limitations of the analyst.
In fact, it is argued that the analyst's unconscious is also
already a psychoanalytic unconscious. As Spezzano (1993a) put
it:
It is not
simply that an idea occurs to the analyst and she then works
it over through her conscious awareness of psychoanalytic theory-but
also that her immediate experiencing of the patient's communications
is performed by an unconscious that has been reshaped by her
tripartite (personal analysis, case supervision, and didactic)
training [p. 212].
Neither party
in the interaction has a privileged and unobstructed view of
the other's psyche. There is no unmediated "truth" about
the patient. The analyst is always making choices, irreducibly
subjective choices, via his or her interpretations and understandings.
Among many possibilities, he or she chooses one, and this choice
inevitably changes the outcome. There is no "right" choice;
each choice that the analyst makes constructs a different ending
and a different reality.
The
Problem of Validation (footnote
2)
But if the
question "How do I know I'm right?" is epistemologically
fruitless, how does a constructivist sensibility help an analyst
with her or his central clinical concerns: deciding if her or
his choices and constructions are attuned to the patient's experience,
provide what the patient needs, and address the most pressing
problems with which the patient might be unconsciously struggling?
In the analyst's mind, in the background, the analyst may well
believe that the moment is theoretically "shot through with
uncertainty," but the postmodernist never quite makes it
clear how this sensibility helps the analyst figure out what
to do. And act the analyst must. As Hoffman (1996) has argued,
the analyst and patient exist in real time; decisions and choices
have to be made and the consequences dealt with. Therefore, the
analyst has no choice but to generate and test hypotheses and
to develop and use criterion for deciding if the intervention
was on the mark. The constructivist might believe, in principle,
that the "mark" is not ultimately verifiable in the
sense that positivist science would have it. It might be a hermeneutic
mark, an intersubjective mark, a co constructed mark, or a mark
in analytic space. Nevertheless, it is a psychically real experience
for which the analyst is reaching and for which effort he or
she needs markers and confirmatory clinical guideposts.
Postmodern
theorists have gone out of their way to attempt to address this
problem. The issue is whether they have succeeded. For instance,
Mitchell (1993) argues that postmodernism is not pure relativism.
Using the metaphor of art, he pointed out that there is a clear
difference between good and bad representational painting because "the
subject matter has a claim on the painting (p. 65). Similarly,
the patient's psychological reality, however it is more or less
shaped in an intersubjective context, has to have a claim on
the analyst's construction of it. Other writers in this tradition
are even more emphatic in their rejection of the relativist label
or the related charge of solipsism. Hoffman (1991b), for instance,
argued against just this implication contained in a critique
by Benjamin (1991), asserting:
There is
nothing in this position that implies that, as Benjamin puts
it, "we should give up reaching for the subjective experience
of the other as an outside being." What it does imply
is a certain element of doubt as to what constitutes "reaching
for" and what constitutes "grasping" at any
given moment, doubt that follows directly from the fact that,
notwithstanding the asymmetry of the psychoanalytic arrangement,
the analyst is always involved as a subject. Moreover, an element
of doubt is not the same as total blindness or confusion. It
doesn't, however, preclude our being able to "assume that
our participation will accentuate the contrast between past
expectations and a new shared reality [pp. 542-543].
And, again,
in a discussion of the analyst's authority, Hoffman (1996) weighs
in against the misrepresentation of constructivism as an "anything
goes" philosophy and argues that experience is ambiguous
but not amorphous. Experience, he reminds us, has
properties
that are amenable to a variety of interpretations, maybe even
infinite interpretations, especially if we take into account
all the nuances that language and tone make possible. But infinite
does not mean unlimited in the sense that anything goes. There
are infinite numerical values between numbers 5 and 6. But
that range excludes all other numerical values [p. 111].
Clearly, then,
some descriptions are better than others. Reality-in this case
the patient's psychic reality-somehow has a claim on the analyst's
formulations. But the question then arises: how does the analyst
decide that the relevant clinical universe is between 5 and 6
and not, say, between 6 and 7? As we "reach for the subjective
experience of the other," how do we know if we've touched
it? If we are not "totally blind or confused," how
do we maximize the degree to which we see clearly?
We are back
to the original issue: What questions does postmodern theory
ask and which ones does it not? In my reading, postmodem answers
to these questions of validation are unsatisfying. Sometimes,
for instance, general hermeneutic criteria are invoked. Such
criteria include "usefulness" (whether the interpretation
generates "useful" conversation or narratives), coherence
(whether an interpretation, through redescribing the patient's
past and present, connects and makes narratively sensible previously
unrelated feelings, thoughts, and memories), and even aesthetic
satisfaction (Geha, 1993; Elder, 1994). In general, however,
these criteria are rarely operationalized, tending instead to
remain rather abstract and philosophical. That is, the authors
rarely give examples of how hermeneutic or other nonpositivist
validation measures might be used concretely to justify an interpretation,
offer corrective feedback to a therapist attempting to tune in
to a patient, choose the most salient issue to address, or otherwise
guide the therapist's session-to-session or even moment-to-moment
attempts to "grasp" the subjective experience of the
patient in an attempt to alleviate the latter's suffering.
It is not as
if the possibility of doing so is denied. The problem is, rather,
that it remains hypothetical. For instance, Stem (1991), speaking
approvingly of Gadamer's concept of the hermeneutic circle, even
begins to suggest a framework for a rigorous clinical methodology:
All comprehension
is a process of projecting partial understandings into fully
rounded ones, and then modifying these projections on the basis
of what we actually come into contact with in conversation
with the other person. In other words, when we understand,
we have been able to treat our projections like hypotheses
... [pp. 60-61].
However, the
appearance of an interest in hypothesis testing is only that-an
appearance. We see little further mention of what it means to "actually
come into contact with" something that modifies our hypothesis.
I assume that sometimes this "something" is, in part,
the patient's observable and inferred responses to our projections.
But by not addressing this issue, Stem leaves us with the impression
that observable behavior of and in the patient-changes in affect,
new memories, symptom resolution, subjective reports of well-being-might
or might not be a central validation criteria for making our "partial" understandings
a bit less partial, our hypotheses a bit more confident. The
problem, again, lies more in what is not said than in what is
said.
Instead, Stern
(1991) moves in a direction increasingly seen among postmodern
thinkers seeking to ground analytic technique in an evidentiary
realm unique to a psychoanalytic hermeneutics. The focus on the
patient as the key arbiter of our technique tends to yield to
a focus on the analyst and her or his subjectivity as of primary
importance in the task of improving technique. Stem spoke of
the necessity of the analyst's "commitment to his preconception,
which means the willingness to give oneself over to a way of
seeing" (p. 69). Stern argues that
Gadamer's
view does nothing to weaken the case for analytic discipline
and education, because to adopt this perspective means placing
great stress on the necessity for the analyst to question himself
about whatever he takes for granted, to find a way into "seeing
what is questionable." And seeing what is questionable
requires a consistency of self-reflection that would be next
to impossible without careful supervision and a training analysis
that touches the analyst in the way he hopes his patients will
be touched. To understand someone else requires innocence and
openness, which are not only gifts, but accomplishments of
education and experience [pp. 76-77].
The analyst's
self-reflection and personal experience is increasingly the privileged
road to validation as well as understanding. Hoffman (1992) makes
this relationship between the analyst's experience and validation
explicit in his discussion of a case of Frederickson's (1990)
in which the analyst's enactment is justified on the basis of
its salutary outcome. Hoffman argues:
It's misleading,
however, to judge an action in an absolute way on the basis
of what happens after it. The fact is that at the moment of
action there is always more than one kind of handwriting on
the wall. At that moment, the emotional authenticity of the
analyst has to count for something in its own right [p. 296,
italics added].
Spezzano (1993b)
also expresses this tendency to both acknowledge the importance
of validation and shift our attention away from the patient's
behavior and toward the analyst's subjectivity. Arguing against
Sass's charge of relativism, for instance, Spezzano (1993) says: "My
point is precisely that the analytic process and the rational
critical discourse that surrounds it are a scientifically self-correcting
enterprise, fully capable of generating a solid core of knowledge" (p.
270). However, when one looks to Spezzano's descriptions of how
he actually formulates what he does "on the ground" of
clinical technique, we see a tendency (in theory) to favor the
analyst's subjectivity over observable patient-specific criteria
as sources of validation. For instance, in the course of illustrating
the technical consequences of the contemporary paradigm with
which he is affiliated, Spezzano (1995) tells us:
Rather than
always waiting to deliver an interpretive "zinger" to
the patient, I, more often than I once did, tell patients about
impressions and thoughts I have. I admit that I do not know
what to make of them yet and ask them to see if they can use
it. Often patients associate to my associations, but even when
they do not, I think it is useful to the goal of the patient
identifying with the analyzing function of the clinician for
me to struggle out loud to make sense of my associations rather
than leave the impression of my mind as a flow of sharp insights
[p. 43].
In the tradition
of analysts who emphasize the patient's "use" of the
analyst as a containing (Bion, 1967; Ogden, 1986) or transformational
(Bollas, 1987) object, Spezzano reminds us that the medium is
the message here. For some or even many patients, one can readily
see how the analyst's playful and free-associative responsiveness
can communicate salutary meanings and a model of a healthier
form of relatedness. For other patients, however, one can imagine
that it would not be useful at all. For instance, a patient who
had been subtly traumatized by a parent who was playful and affectively
spontaneous in a self aggrandizing, flaky, irresponsible, or
narcissistic way might experience a therapist who, as like Spezzano
suggests above, "struggled out loud to make sense of [his]
associations" as pathogenic and continue to do so even if
it could be confidently interpreted to him or her that this was
a transference distortion. For this patient, a style that is
more careful, restrained, deliberate, and even studied might
be more conducive to accomplishing the analyst's aim. In my view,
it seems useful to strive for a theory of technique in which,
to the extent that it is authentically possible (Bader, 1995),
we attempt to contribute to the creation of an ambience that
is selectively responsive to a patient's needs. And, therefore,
in the pursuit of this aim, we would be advised to attempt to
define patient-specific criteria for guiding our style as well
as interpretive content.
Spezzano might
well agree with me; he certainly attempts to be as patient-specific
as possible in his work. The question is whether a theory of
technique informed by a constructivist epistemology helps us
do this in the most efficient and therapeutically productive
way possible. I suggest that this epistemology tends to be left
at the door of the consulting room, appears only indirectly in
the form of the analyst's increased modesty and willingness to
be spontaneous, or else functions as an active hindrance to developing
the clinical confidence necessary to maximally move the treatment
forward.
Spezzano (1995)
attempts to operationalize these issues, although I believe the
problem of validation remains. He states that the aim of interpretation
is
to enlarge
the analytic space within which affect is contained and thought
about and within which unconscious object relational paradigms
become conscious. One interprets when interpreting is likely
to have this impact and one refrains from interpreting when
interpreting is likely to have the opposite impact [p. 27].
The question
is to what extent do the patient's responses influence one's
judgment about when to interpret? In my reading, Spezzano's answers
do not focus sufficiently on the patient.
Spezzano's
aim of "enlarging the analytic space" could be conceptualized,
for instance, as having certain "markers," behavioral,
verbal, or affective changes that are associated with this aim,
markers that could be used as outcome criteria to let Spezzano
and us know we are empathically responsive to what the patient
needs. Although he no doubt uses such markers in practice, Spezzano
does not tend to go in this direction in theory. Like Bion, Bollas,
and Ogden, he tends to look often, at least in his theory construction,
to the analyst's subjectivity for sources of resistance to an
accurate understanding and response to the patient's emerging
affects and pathogenic beliefs. Obviously, this is an extremely
useful source of information and, to be fair, Spezzano is merely
emphasizing, for the sake of contrast, one potential interactive
style that a contemporary analyst might display. However, given
our collective interest in making our technique patient-specific,
in the context of this paradigm the focus on the analyst's psyche
as the source of both distortion and validation tends to subtly
supplant a rigorous focus on the patient as providing the relevant
confirmatory evidence. In this sense, his theory does not do
justice to the sense one gets of his highly attuned, flexible,
and experience-near clinical practice. Again, I think this is
another example of the disjuncture between the current interest
in epistemology and clinical practice.
Clinical practice
and, in particular, our theories about how people change in analysis
have changed over time. As relational theories of technique and
cure have come to prominence, the postmodern critique of the
alleged objectivity of interpretation might appear to be less
urgent and my concerns, therefore, less relevant. However, the
constructivist challenge to the analyst's epistemological authority
remains, as do the problems inherent in this challenge. For instance,
Hoffman (1996) and Mitchell (1993) insist that even though our
theory of therapeutic action has changed, our new emphasis on
curing through "influence" must still essentially be
a constructivist project, that the analyst is also creating what
he or she is attuning to, choosing what potentials in the patient
to affirm, and constructing some endings for a patient and not
others. Relational factors, in other words, occupy the same epistemological
position as interpretation. The problem, however, with now making
the choice and effects of the analyst's actions and corrective
influence also seem intrinsically uncertain is the same as making
the choice and effects of interpretation uncertain. In other
words, if this argument is meant to mean more than simply "we
can never be 100% sure," it leaves open the problem of how
we can be more or less sure of what we're doing, only now the
problem is transposed onto the dimension of analytic activity,
influence, corrective emotional experiences, and the provision
of new developmental experiences. My argument is that although
Hoffman, Mitchell, and others who believe in the centrality of
influence are always presumably attempting to solve this problem "on
the ground" by using the patient's responses as evidence,
they feel philosophically restrained from making this process
too objective, too subject to systematization, too "knowable." They
talk like constructivists but act like scientists. Their constructivism
hinders their pursuing the question of how the analyst does indeed
always influence the patient, how this influence can be assessed,
and how it can be more strategically and "accurately" applied.
Confidently
assessing the effects of influence, like interpretation, is what
gives the postmodemist pause. Because data are ambiguous until
interpretively coconstructed, we cannot rely on them for validation.
In summarizing what he calls the "limited constructivist" position
of analysts like Schafer, Hoffman (1992), although critical of
the limits of this position, clearly sympathizes with its distrust
of the "facts":
Within this
framework, interpretations are suggestions.... This is not
to say that one cannot speak of one interpretation fitting
the patient's experience more than another. But there is more
leeway for a range of interpretations that are persuasive,
and it is understood that, inescapably, there is some influence
coming from the side of the analyst in deciding what line of
interpretation to pursue. The "data," that is, the
patient's associations and other aspects of the patient's behavior,
cannot decide the issue by themselves [p. 290].
And, yet, I
continue to ask, shouldn't these species of "data"-the
patient's observable responses-have an important, if not definitive,
impact on deciding the issue? If so, how exactly should we use
the data to confirm or disconfirm our hypotheses? For instance,
in the so-called limited constructivist position that Hoffman
describes, if one interpretation "fits the patient's experience
more than another," shouldn't we tend to accord it a greater
truth value? Or, from another perspective, if one ambience, style,
or experience is more corrective than another, as evidenced by
the patient's becoming more free, more insightful, or otherwise
better, shouldn't we be able to conclude that we have a more
accurate and useful understanding of the patient's conflicts
than before? Just because "the patient's associations and
other aspects of the patient's behavior" are not the sole
and absolute authority for judging the validity of an intervention,
isn't it at least a powerful first step and certainly preferable
to data contradicting an analyst's hypothesis? One might argue
that the value of thinking about truth already supposes that
there is such a thing and that our task is to get to "it" (see
Dunn, 1995). However, even if the operational goals of your interventions
were things like fitting the patient's experience, allowing the
patient to find her voice, generating interesting conversation,
developing an analytic process, telling a useful story, or relieving
symptoms, I still suggest that it is useful to generate criteria
for knowing you're reaching that goal more or less, with the
aim being to reach it more. I realize that few would disagree
with this, but I am arguing that it tends to be deemphasized
in the postmodern critique.
In fact, this
literature can lend itself to the implication that it is arguing
that if we can't be 100% right, it is hardly worth trying to
be 70% right, or even 20% right. We repeatedly read arguments
like the following of Renik's (1993a):
Everything
an analyst does in the analytic situation is based upon his
or her personal psychology. This limitation cannot be reduced,
let alone done away with; we have only the choice of admitting
it or denying it. I think we tend to give lip service to the
important truth that an analyst cannot, ultimately, know a
patient's point of view; an analyst can only know his or her
own point of view [p. 561 ].
And even though,
ironically, Renik is one of the few postmodern analysts who believes
that technique can and should be grounded in a process of hypothesis
testing based on patient responses, his epistemological position
here, at the least, makes that procedure suspect and, at the
most, directs our attention away from the patient and onto the
analyst.
The issue is
that the postmodern critique helps us see some things more clearly
while leaving other concerns out of focus. For instance, on the
side of increased clarity, it seems to me that by focusing on
the indeterminate and co-constructed nature of clinical "facts," our
modesty about what we know and our freedom to more flexibly and
personally respond to patients has been enhanced (Rabin, 1995;
Renik, 1995b). As both a cause and consequence of our increased
modesty, the analyst is more likely to validate the patient's
perspective on his or her own psychology, the transference, and
the analyst. And by debunking the impossible ideals contained
in the old warhorses of abstinence and neutrality, the postmodem
theorists have given us a greater freedom to loosen up and be
more spontaneously "ourselves." We can more freely
commit ourselves to our point of view because we understand that
it is only a point of view. These are important advances, as
far as they go. The danger is that because this critique is a
corrective to skewed traditional images of analytic authority
and one person psychology, it can mislead us to see in it a useful
description of optimal analytic technique. As Mayer (1996) warns
us, "The difficulty with postmodern criticism of theory
is that it so easily becomes an attempt at a replacement theory,
rather than a critique" (p. 245).
Hoffman (1996)
argues that we cannot ever extract our personalities and our
influence from the process of affirming the patient's experience
and that we should not set up impossible ideals like this to
strive for-and ultimately fail-to reach. He uses the analogy
that aspiring to walk on water will inevitably interfere with
leaming to swim. In my view, however, he misrepresents the alternative.
The alternative is not a demoralizing quest for perfection but
a process of bringing everything that we know and feel about
the patient to make inferences about what she or he is up to;
communicate that understanding in words and, if necessary (and
it inevitably is), actions; and use patient-specific and observable
criteria for telling us if we are on the right track. That "track" involves,
at times, the patient acquiring insight, at other times mitigating
his or her symptoms, or otherwise moving forward in the therapeutic
direction that we have inferred the patient wants to go. Having
something impossible to shoot for-perfect understanding-is not
self-defeating at all. It is more like comparing your golf swing
with that of a well-known professional: identifying differences,
attempting corrections, noting results, comparing again. You
may never be Jack Nicklaus, but you will probably lower your
handicap.
The
Possibility of Accurate Understanding
As I have been
attempting to argue, I think that the applicability of the postmodern
critique is limited by virtue of its inattention to the fact
and possibility of reasonably accurate intersubjective understanding
in the clinical process. Such understanding, of course, is an
aspect of all relationships. There are many moments when one
can say, with relative certainty, how one's words or behavior
will affect another person. There are people with whom I am intimate
whose psychological vulnerabilities, dispositions, and reflexes
seem very clear to me. In certain moments with these people,
I can predict with a very high degree of accuracy if something
I say or do will hurt, please, give a feeling of pride, comfort,
or elicit an angry response. The argument that subjectivity is
inherently indeterminate, contingent, or otherwise epistemologically
different from, say, a physical reality-although obviously true
on its face-is not grounded enough in the phenomenology of everyday
life.
Instances of
our striving successfully for understanding are ubiquitous. Consider
for figure out what their children are feeling or needing. The
baby cries. Is she or he wet or hungry? The parent feeds the
baby. The baby refuses to eat and continues to cry. The parent
changes the diaper. The baby stops crying. The parent has tested
a hypothesis and used behavioral criteria to decide that the
hypothesis was correct. Based on repeated accurate intersubjective
a moment how parents occurrences of this "experiment in
nature," the parent learns to differentiate the "I'm
wet" cry from the "I'm hungry" cry. The next time
the baby is wet, the parent will be more likely to correctly
respond immediately. By correcdy, I mean in a way that relieves
the baby's distress. The postmodern argument that defining truth
by reference to what "works" is profoundly different
from defining truth by reference to what is "there" might
be of some philosophical interest but of little use in everyday
life or everyday clinical practice. In the current example, for
instance, the aim is to help the baby, and the only means to
this end lies in accurate attunement, aided immeasurably by this
kind of common, low-level, informal, experimental design.
My purpose
in using such a mundane, everyday example of the ubiquitous exercise
of inference and validation is not because the postmodernists
would deny that these interactions occur but that their epistemological
interests in ambiguity leads them to remain somewhat abstract
and general in relation to the challenge of clarification and
validation. And, yet, as the evolutionary psychologists have
told us, human beings are preadapted to use accurate perception
to understand, manipulate, predict, and even control the human
reality on which they are dependent for survival (Stavin and
Kriegman, 1992). In other words, it is highly adaptive to be
able to correctly "read" the intentions and feelings
of the Other. As Kriegman (1996) puts it, "if we define
science in a very simple way-as experimentation and observation
designed to achieve attitudes and understandings about the world
that lead to accurate prediction and control of events in the
worldthen humans can be seen to be natural scientists" (p.
23).
So, too, in
clinical work, the therapist can usefully act like a scientist
while still doing justice to the constructivist critique of a
rigid empiricism. For instance, I conceptualize my own approach
as involving generating hypotheses about my patients. Based on
a hypothesis derived from my picture of the patient and our relationship,
his or her past, and my own psychological experience, I formulate
an intervention that I implicitly predict will have a certain
effect. The intervention may be verbal or may involve an attitude
or even action. The effect might be a small, intraanalytic response
such as insight, anxiety reduction, subjective agreement, greater
affective freedom, or movement forward toward a formerly forbidden
goal. If it does have the intended effect, my hypothesis is strengthened.
If not, then the hypothesis might Michael J. Bader need revision.
By strengthened, I mean that it is now a bit more likely that
my hypothesis has described a process, structure, fantasy, or
even lawful relationship involving the patient's psychology and
experience of the world. It does not mean I have definitely discovered "it," the "thing
itself," the "essence" of the patient's psychological
Being. But it may well mean that I have come a little bit closer
to "it." What I have discovered is asymptotic to the
truth. Operating on the basis that this is "true" enhances
my current and future clinical efficacy. Arguments that there
is a significant and clinically relevant difference between "operating
on the basis of a presumed truth and believing that one can more
or less, at crucial moments, "know" the truth become
specious, in my view, unless it can be powerfully demonstrated
that this epistemological difference in the mind of the analyst
generates important clinical differences.
For instance,
a female patient who had been in therapy with me for four months
told me that scheduling changes at work made continuing with
me impossible for the time being. She told me she had benefited
from our work and felt that it would be better if she tried to
fly by herself for a while. She had a history of relationships
with possessive and controlling men. Although I knew little about
her mother, her father fit the possessive/controlling male mold
as well. I was, therefore, a bit more cautious than usual in
taking any immediate stand on the issue of her interrupting her
therapy. I tried to explore all sides of the issue. The patient
began to get worse. She became more rigid, less psychologically
minded, and more detached from her self and from me. She could
not reflect on this shift. Based on a few clues that she had
given me about her mother-depictions of a woman who seemed rather
detached and narcissistic-and in response to my observation that
she was shutting down, apparently in response to my not taking
a stand, I developed the hypothesis that my apparent neutrality
in first exploring her wish to stop without taking a stand on
it was experienced as a rejection and reevoked the feelings of
hurt she had endured at the hands of a disinterested mother.
I, therefore, explained this to her and decided to state clearly
that in my opinion, she was not at all ready to leave, that I
thought she should stay and continue our good work, and that
I would go out of my way, if necessary, to see her at her convenience.
She responded by beginning to tear up and soon acknowledged that
she was quite relieved, that she had not really wanted to quit
but felt that there would be no way I could or would want to
accommodate her. She had memories about her mother in which the
patient felt rejected by the mother who always seemed preoccupied
with her own troubles and seemed hardly to know the daughter
was there, much less in need.
I took this
as confirmation that my hypothesis about the meaning of our interactions
around her wish to stop was probably accurate. This hypothesis
of mine, now strengthened, was that the patient was struggling
at that moment mainly with rejection, not with autonomy as I
first thought, and thus my initial "neutrality" was
perceived as a subtle rejection. When I changed my hypothesis,
I was able to attune myself better to what the patient was feeling
and needing at the moment. The patient then felt safer and was
able to begin to face some of the rejection and sadness in her
life. And this hypothesis now became a powerful tool for dealing
with the patient in the future. My picture of the patient's mind
and the prominence of rejection in that mind was strengthened,
and this increased clarity was available to be used in the future
with therapeutic effect. Although I might have been wrong when
I proceeded as if rejection were the main issue, I felt legitimately
more confident that I was right.
Weiss (1993)
has studied the analytic process extensively and claims to have
demonstrated across a broad range of studies that hypothesis
testing and validation can be reliably employed in a manner that
is highly patient-specific and that does not irrationally privilege
the analyst's rationality. For Weiss, the patient comes into
analysis motivated to overcome his or her conflicts and works
to do so in a planful, albeit often unconscious, way. The therapist's
task is to discern both the nature of the patient, conflict and
his or her mode of unconscious mastery and to facilitate it.
Weiss believes that his theory of pathogenesis enables him to
make predictions about the consequences of the analyst's attitudinal
and interpretive activity. His model of psychopathology generates
criteria that indicate whether the patient's plan is proceeding
successfully or being derailed. He argues that his research has
demonstrated that the patient's response to interventions that
facilitate the latter's attempts at mastery is often immediate
and discernible. The patient's anxiety will decrease, repressions
of various kinds will start to lift, new material will emerge,
symptoms will begin to recede, certain developmental tasks will
be taken on, and so on. (for various studies of the operational
use of process and outcome criteria, see Weiss and Sampson, 1986).
In Weiss's theory, then, the patient's subjectivity, although
unknowable in a complete sense, has a directionality, a course,
a planfulness inherent in it that the analyst can sometimes infer
with considerable accuracy and therapeutic benefit (for a similar
discussion of planfulness, but from an evolutionary perspective,
see Kriegman and Slavin, 1989). Because the analyst has certain
observable criteria to use as a barometer of whether the analyst's
interventions are furthering the patient's growth or hindering
it, the analyst's psychology-although inevitably a source of
bias and information-is not felt to be a primary barrier to or
necessarily confounding of knowledge. In Weiss's theory, the
analyst's psychological responses are valuable sources of information
and clearly contribute to both the patient's therapeutic and
pathogenic experiences of the relationship, but because there
is a discernible "track" that the patient is trying
to be on, the analyst's task is only to do whatever is necessary
to help the patient do that. For Weiss, the analyst can pass
or fail a "test" in words, actions, or attitudes, and
the analyst's countertransference is never a privileged means
to this end.
Finally, one
can believe in the ubiquity of mutual influence and the analyst's
ever-present subjectivity, which are central postmodern tenets,
and still focus on defining operational criteria for judging
the validity of one's interpretations. Renik (1993x), for instance,
has written extensively on the need to deconstruct the analyst's
privileged authority to say what is going on in the patient,
the transference, the interaction, and the analyst. He has elaborated
on the concept of the analyst's "irreducible subjectivity" in
determining what he or she does and has inveighed against the
analyst's covertly inviting the patient to idealize him or her
as inherently wise. Yet Renik (1995x) also argues forcefully:
When an analyst
identifies a resistance, he or she forms a hypothesis about
an analysand's psychology.... I look at interpretation of resistance
as the technique an analyst uses to test hypotheses about motivations
interfering with an analysand's self-awareness.... The analysand's
responses to an interpretation, the further material the analysand
brings forth, are data that either confirm or disconfirm the
hypothesis.... The process of hypothesis testing, via interpretation
of resistance, even if complex and roundabout, is an empirical
one. Analysand and analyst both make observations and inferences
based upon them [pp. 87-88]
For Renik,
the postmodern epistemology enters through his contention that
when the analyst offers his or her understanding to the patient,
he or she should know and even convey, explicitly or in his or
her manner, that this understanding is simply an opinion,, an
opinion based on mutually observable "facts of observation," and
that it does not in any way invoke a special authority to read
the patient's mind. Having said this, Renik is unique among the
postmodernists in his emphasis on the centrality of the scientific
method of hypothesis testing in furthering his analytic and therapeutic
aim-namely, to produce a therapeutic effect by increasing the
patient's self-awareness. His epistemology makes him far more
modest than Weiss about what the analyst can really know about
the workings of the patient's mind, but his way of getting at
or reaching what the analyst can know is similar. (footnote
3)
The postmodern
revolution in epistemology has decentered us and taken away our
comforting beliefs in objectivity and science. As we lose our
balance we tend to accuse these contemporary critics of abandoning
us to chaos and demand that they give us something to hold on
to. Yet, it might be argued that it is unfair to expect something
of the postmodernists that we, as a field, have not fully worked
out. The person who yells "fire" is not obliged also
to tell us how to get out of danger or build a more fireproof
building. We should not get mad at the messenger. It is the message
that disturbs us, the message that we are more confused, less
confident, less authoritative, less rational, less perceptive,
less insightful, and less smart than we think we are.
The problem,
as I see it, is that this new critique of a certain kind of scientific
rationality tends to claim more for itself that it can deliver.
It does more than yell "fire." It suggests a new way
of listening, suggests a new way of knowing, and hints at a different
view of the mind, with different assumptions about human nature.
Although its basic epistemological position can subsume a wide
variety of theories of change (e.g., Hoffman accepts the inevitable
centrality of the analyst's unanalyzed influence, whereas Renik
does not), the postmodern sensibility still aims to be a practical
guide to clinical technique. Thus, when the postmodernist says, "Look,
I know that everything isn't relative and that some interventions
comprehend and touch the patient's separate experience more than
others," we are led to believe that this theorist has a
theory of validation that we can use. We are entitled to ask
for it. Unfortunately, such a theory is too often missing.
The
Possibility of Accurate Understanding
As I have been
attempting to argue, I think that the applicability of the postmodern
critique is limited by virtue of its inattention to the fact
and possibility of reasonably accurate intersubjective understanding
in the clinical process. Such understanding, of course, is an
aspect of all relationships. There are many moments when one
can say, with relative certainty, how one's words or behavior
will affect another person. There are people with whom I am intimate
whose psychological vulnerabilities, dispositions, and reflexes
seem very clear to me. In certain moments with these people,
I can predict with a very high degree of accuracy if something
I say or do will hurt, please, give a feeling of pride, comfort,
or elicit an angry response. The argument that subjectivity is
inherently indeterminate, contingent, or otherwise epistemologically
different from, say, a physical reality-although obviously true
on its face-is not grounded enough in the phenomenology of everyday
life.
Instances of
our striving successfully for understanding are ubiquitous. Consider
for figure out what their children are feeling or needing. The
baby cries. Is she or he wet or hungry? The parent feeds the
baby. The baby refuses to eat and continues to cry. The parent
changes the diaper. The baby stops crying. The parent has tested
a hypothesis and used behavioral criteria to decide that the
hypothesis was correct. Based on repeated accurate intersubjective
a moment how parents occurrences of this "experiment in
nature," the parent learns to differentiate the "I'm
wet" cry from the "I'm hungry" cry. The next time
the baby is wet, the parent will be more likely to correctly
respond immediately. By correcdy, I mean in a way that relieves
the baby's distress. The postmodern argument that defining truth
by reference to what "works" is profoundly different
from defining truth by reference to what is "there" might
be of some philosophical interest but of little use in everyday
life or everyday clinical practice. In the current example, for
instance, the aim is to help the baby, and the only means to
this end lies in accurate attunement, aided immeasurably by this
kind of common, low-level, informal, experimental design.
My purpose
in using such a mundane, everyday example of the ubiquitous exercise
of inference and validation is not because the postmodernists
would deny that these interactions occur but that their epistemological
interests in ambiguity leads them to remain somewhat abstract
and general in relation to the challenge of clarification and
validation. And, yet, as the evolutionary psychologists have
told us, human beings are preadapted to use accurate perception
to understand, manipulate, predict, and even control the human
reality on which they are dependent for survival (Stavin and
Kriegman, 1992). In other words, it is highly adaptive to be
able to correctly "read" the intentions and feelings
of the Other. As Kriegman (1996) puts it, "if we define
science in a very simple way-as experimentation and observation
designed to achieve attitudes and understandings about the world
that lead to accurate prediction and control of events in the
worldthen humans can be seen to be natural scientists" (p.
23).
So, too, in
clinical work, the therapist can usefully act like a scientist
while still doing justice to the constructivist critique of a
rigid empiricism. For instance, I conceptualize my own approach
as involving generating hypotheses about my patients. Based on
a hypothesis derived from my picture of the patient and our relationship,
his or her past, and my own psychological experience, I formulate
an intervention that I implicitly predict will have a certain
effect. The intervention may be verbal or may involve an attitude
or even action. The effect might be a small, intraanalytic response
such as insight, anxiety reduction, subjective agreement, greater
affective freedom, or movement forward toward a formerly forbidden
goal. If it does have the intended effect, my hypothesis is strengthened.
If not, then the hypothesis might Michael J. Bader need revision.
By strengthened, I mean that it is now a bit more likely that
my hypothesis has described a process, structure, fantasy, or
even lawful relationship involving the patient's psychology and
experience of the world. It does not mean I have definitely discovered "it," the "thing
itself," the "essence" of the patient's psychological
Being. But it may well mean that I have come a little bit closer
to "it." What I have discovered is asymptotic to the
truth. Operating on the basis that this is "true" enhances
my current and future clinical efficacy. Arguments that there
is a significant and clinically relevant difference between "operating
on the basis of a presumed truth and believing that one can more
or less, at crucial moments, "know" the truth become
specious, in my view, unless it can be powerfully demonstrated
that this epistemological difference in the mind of the analyst
generates important clinical differences.
For instance,
a female patient who had been in therapy with me for four months
told me that scheduling changes at work made continuing with
me impossible for the time being. She told me she had benefited
from our work and felt that it would be better if she tried to
fly by herself for a while. She had a history of relationships
with possessive and controlling men. Although I knew little about
her mother, her father fit the possessive/controlling male mold
as well. I was, therefore, a bit more cautious than usual in
taking any immediate stand on the issue of her interrupting her
therapy. I tried to explore all sides of the issue. The patient
began to get worse. She became more rigid, less psychologically
minded, and more detached from her self and from me. She could
not reflect on this shift. Based on a few clues that she had
given me about her mother-depictions of a woman who seemed rather
detached and narcissistic-and in response to my observation that
she was shutting down, apparently in response to my not taking
a stand, I developed the hypothesis that my apparent neutrality
in first exploring her wish to stop without taking a stand on
it was experienced as a rejection and reevoked the feelings of
hurt she had endured at the hands of a disinterested mother.
I, therefore, explained this to her and decided to state clearly
that in my opinion, she was not at all ready to leave, that I
thought she should stay and continue our good work, and that
I would go out of my way, if necessary, to see her at her convenience.
She responded by beginning to tear up and soon acknowledged that
she was quite relieved, that she had not really wanted to quit
but felt that there would be no way I could or would want to
accommodate her. She had memories about her mother in which the
patient felt rejected by the mother who always seemed preoccupied
with her own troubles and seemed hardly to know the daughter
was there, much less in need.
I took this
as confirmation that my hypothesis about the meaning of our interactions
around her wish to stop was probably accurate. This hypothesis
of mine, now strengthened, was that the patient was struggling
at that moment mainly with rejection, not with autonomy as I
first thought, and thus my initial "neutrality" was
perceived as a subtle rejection. When I changed my hypothesis,
I was able to attune myself better to what the patient was feeling
and needing at the moment. The patient then felt safer and was
able to begin to face some of the rejection and sadness in her
life. And this hypothesis now became a powerful tool for dealing
with the patient in the future. My picture of the patient's mind
and the prominence of rejection in that mind was strengthened,
and this increased clarity was available to be used in the future
with therapeutic effect. Although I might have been wrong when
I proceeded as if rejection were the main issue, I felt legitimately
more confident that I was right.
Weiss (1993)
has studied the analytic process extensively and claims to have
demonstrated across a broad range of studies that hypothesis
testing and validation can be reliably employed in a manner that
is highly patient-specific and that does not irrationally privilege
the analyst's rationality. For Weiss, the patient comes into
analysis motivated to overcome his or her conflicts and works
to do so in a planful, albeit often unconscious, way. The therapist's
task is to discern both the nature of the patient, conflict and
his or her mode of unconscious mastery and to facilitate it.
Weiss believes that his theory of pathogenesis enables him to
make predictions about the consequences of the analyst's attitudinal
and interpretive activity. His model of psychopathology generates
criteria that indicate whether the patient's plan is proceeding
successfully or being derailed. He argues that his research has
demonstrated that the patient's response to interventions that
facilitate the latter's attempts at mastery is often immediate
and discernible. The patient's anxiety will decrease, repressions
of various kinds will start to lift, new material will emerge,
symptoms will begin to recede, certain developmental tasks will
be taken on, and so on. (for various studies of the operational
use of process and outcome criteria, see Weiss and Sampson, 1986).
In Weiss's theory, then, the patient's subjectivity, although
unknowable in a complete sense, has a directionality, a course,
a planfulness inherent in it that the analyst can sometimes infer
with considerable accuracy and therapeutic benefit (for a similar
discussion of planfulness, but from an evolutionary perspective,
see Kriegman and Slavin, 1989). Because the analyst has certain
observable criteria to use as a barometer of whether the analyst's
interventions are furthering the patient's growth or hindering
it, the analyst's psychology-although inevitably a source of
bias and information-is not felt to be a primary barrier to or
necessarily confounding of knowledge. In Weiss's theory, the
analyst's psychological responses are valuable sources of information
and clearly contribute to both the patient's therapeutic and
pathogenic experiences of the relationship, but because there
is a discernible "track" that the patient is trying
to be on, the analyst's task is only to do whatever is necessary
to help the patient do that. For Weiss, the analyst can pass
or fail a "test" in words, actions, or attitudes, and
the analyst's countertransference is never a privileged means
to this end.
Finally, one
can believe in the ubiquity of mutual influence and the analyst's
ever-present subjectivity, which are central postmodern tenets,
and still focus on defining operational criteria for judging
the validity of one's interpretations. Renik (1993x), for instance,
has written extensively on the need to deconstruct the analyst's
privileged authority to say what is going on in the patient,
the transference, the interaction, and the analyst. He has elaborated
on the concept of the analyst's "irreducible subjectivity" in
determining what he or she does and has inveighed against the
analyst's covertly inviting the patient to idealize him or her
as inherently wise. Yet Renik (1995x) also argues forcefully:
When an analyst
identifies a resistance, he or she forms a hypothesis about
an analysand's psychology.... I look at interpretation of resistance
as the technique an analyst uses to test hypotheses about motivations
interfering with an analysand's self-awareness.... The analysand's
responses to an interpretation, the further material the analysand
brings forth, are data that either confirm or disconfirm the
hypothesis.... The process of hypothesis testing, via interpretation
of resistance, even if complex and roundabout, is an empirical
one. Analysand and analyst both make observations and inferences
based upon them [pp. 87-88]
For Renik,
the postmodern epistemology enters through his contention that
when the analyst offers his or her understanding to the patient,
he or she should know and even convey, explicitly or in his or
her manner, that this understanding is simply an opinion,, an
opinion based on mutually observable "facts of observation," and
that it does not in any way invoke a special authority to read
the patient's mind. Having said this, Renik is unique among the
postmodernists in his emphasis on the centrality of the scientific
method of hypothesis testing in furthering his analytic and therapeutic
aim-namely, to produce a therapeutic effect by increasing the
patient's self-awareness. His epistemology makes him far more
modest than Weiss about what the analyst can really know about
the workings of the patient's mind, but his way of getting at
or reaching what the analyst can know is similar. (footnote
3)
The postmodern
revolution in epistemology has decentered us and taken away our
comforting beliefs in objectivity and science. As we lose our
balance we tend to accuse these contemporary critics of abandoning
us to chaos and demand that they give us something to hold on
to. Yet, it might be argued that it is unfair to expect something
of the postmodernists that we, as a field, have not fully worked
out. The person who yells "fire" is not obliged also
to tell us how to get out of danger or build a more fireproof
building. We should not get mad at the messenger. It is the message
that disturbs us, the message that we are more confused, less
confident, less authoritative, less rational, less perceptive,
less insightful, and less smart than we think we are.
The problem,
as I see it, is that this new critique of a certain kind of scientific
rationality tends to claim more for itself that it can deliver.
It does more than yell "fire." It suggests a new way
of listening, suggests a new way of knowing, and hints at a different
view of the mind, with different assumptions about human nature.
Although its basic epistemological position can subsume a wide
variety of theories of change (e.g., Hoffman accepts the inevitable
centrality of the analyst's unanalyzed influence, whereas Renik
does not), the postmodern sensibility still aims to be a practical
guide to clinical technique. Thus, when the postmodernist says, "Look,
I know that everything isn't relative and that some interventions
comprehend and touch the patient's separate experience more than
others," we are led to believe that this theorist has a
theory of validation that we can use. We are entitled to ask
for it. Unfortunately, such a theory is too often missing.
Postmodern
Sensibilities and the Turn From Therapeutics
The postmodern
sensibility is grounded in the notion of paradox. Paradox, however,
can lead to progressive or regressive resolutions. For instance,
the radical and progressive edge of contemporary constructivism
lies in its sponsoring a new freedom of thought and action in
analysts who too often have been pressured into a stiff abstinence
by their psychoanalytic superegos. Because we are now not omniscient,
do not have to deliver interpretive "zingers" to our
patients, are inevitably biased and human, and do not have a
corner on truth, we can relax, get more involved, and take our
patients and their point of view more seriously. However, the
frequent insistence on the ambiguity and near, infinite complexity
of the intersubjective and interactive fields in analysis and
on the limits of understanding can also sponsor an unproductive
confusion and pessimism about our therapeutic task. On one hand,
then, it has opened us up to the existence of multiple realities,
multiple narratives, and multiple "truths" and, consequently,
increased our modesty and flexibility. On the other hand, by
drawing our attention away from a focus on the patient for validating
our technique, either because of the presumed inherent subjectivity
of interpretation or because the focus is often on the analyst's
mind, the effect of this philosophical trend can potentially
make us less confident that we can do our job-understanding and
helping the patient change. There is a tendency, instead, to
fetishize uncertainty, idealize ambiguity, and admire complexity.
We are free to be expressive but reminded that we cannot judge
the effects of that expressiveness accurately.
As a consequence
of having to attend to multiple levels, feedback loops, and concentric
circles of interpretive activity, we are led to be suspicious
of using data such as the patient's therapeutic progress as a
central marker of the accuracy of these interpretations. Unfortunately,
in this respect, postmodern and mainstream analysts are fellow
travelers. We have always struggled with a tension between our
therapeutic aims and theory of technique (Bader, 1994). For the
classical or mainstream analyst, therapeutic progress, although
a collective aim and personal desire, tends to be viewed as an
indirect outcome of analytic activity rather than its central
operational goal. By indirect rather than direct goal, I am referring
to the historical bias in psychoanalysis against therapeutic "zeal" and
the tendency to feel, instead, that a meticulous focus on the
intraanalytic resistances or the transference-countertransference
field should ideally generate the best therapeutic outcome without
our directly trying to do so. Emphasizing therapeutic aims has
often been viewed with suspicion as countertransference-based
ambition, contaminating the optimal analytic attitude which is
to analyze "without memory and desire" (Bion, 1967,
p. 272). Understanding, an analytic aim, has historically been
counterposed to helping, a psychotherapeutic one. The establishment
of an "analytic process" often tends to be elevated
over therapeutic results as our operational goal. The traditional
psychoanalytic distrust of using symptom relief as a guide to
technique is part of a more general skepticism about relying
on patient-specific outcome criteria for clinical confirmation.
In other words, the classical analyst is instructed to view whatever
the patient says in response to interpretations as always a less
than definitive and usually unreliable guide to whether the analyst
is "right." The ebb and flow of the patient's therapeutic
progress is a particularly suspect subset of data when it comes
to establishing validity in classical technique. This has served
to weight our clinical theory in the direction of received authority.
In other words, all we can confidently do is proceed "analytically"-good
outcomes will likely follow without our "trying" to
produce them.
Born of Freud's
and our need to differentiate analysis from other therapies and
modes of healing, (footnote 4) the
historic mandate to eschew a direct interest in symptom relief
while holding analysis out as the most radical and enduring treatment
is problematic today. This "tilt" away from therapeutics
is particularly maladaptive in today's climate of skepticism
about the efficacy of psychoanalysis and the increasing demands
for our field to demonstrate cost efficiency in the context of
a modern era of managed care and biological psychiatry. Unfortunately,
although modem analysts with a constructivist sensibility have
certainly rejected appeals to analytic authority and are more
prepared to flexibly attune themselves to the patient's subjectivity,
their emphasis on epistemology inadvertently continues this antitherapeutic
bias in psychoanalytic theorizing. The constructivist sensibility
adds its own unique twist to our theoretical tradition of privileging
process over outcome. The message might be read as implying the
following: "Because of the intrinsic nature of the process,
a process coconstructed by two interpreting subjects inherently
limited in their ability to fully understand themselves or each
other, we cannot make claims to definitively understanding, much
less curing, patients. We should not fool ourselves into thinking
that we can use observable patient-specific responses as reliable
feedback to sharpen and improve our technique. This should not
and cannot be our primary focus because subjective reality is
inherently ambiguous and our ability to find reliable regularities,
lawful relationships, and useful validation criteria is limited."
This is an
appealing metamessage. It takes the analyst off the hook of trying
to be right and offers her or him a comforting rationalization.
But, in so doing, it participates in the antitherapeutic bias
that has tended to mark psychoanalysis and that justifies its
results, when they are poor, and its therapeutic passivity by
references to the near-infinite complexity of the unconscious,
the transference-countertransference matrix, and the psychoanalytic
process in general. To be sure, the contemporary emphasis on
psychoanalysis as a "dialogic community" or "conversation" can
read at times like a positive message urging us to hold our heads
up high in defense of our unique contribution to the human sciences
and not to defer to outside discourses and "experts" such
as neurobiologists, positivist scientists, empirical outcome
studies, or infancy researchers (for an example of this kind
of argument at its best, see Spezzano, 1993a). Unfortunately,
the danger is that this can also sound as if one were telling
the passengers on the Titanic not to worry about that iceberg
because they are on the most beautiful ship of its class!
In my view,
this aspect of the postmodern sensibility is a symptom of the
pervasive underlying pessimism about our roles as change-agents,
as healers, as engaged exclusively in an activity the only reasonable
purpose of which is to help cure people of their suffering. This
pessimism, which has percolated within psychoanalytic theory
and practice since its inception, has gained a particular salience
today in the context of the decline of institutional and ideological
support for psychotherapy and the broader culture of conservatism
and cynicism about our ability to radically alleviate human suffering
in general. In response to this pessimism, a postmodern epistemology
that reminds us of the impossibility of discovering essences
is a comfort. In response to our frustration at poor therapeutic
results, an attitude that underlines complexity and uncertainty
is a tonic. In response to our declining status among mental
health providers who promise a cheaper, more efficient, and thorough
product, the complicated and abstruse flavor of postmodern language
and writing is personally and professionally restorative. In
this way, we accommodate to the prevailing ethos that is objectively
undermining our position while reinstating ourselves as worthy
in our own imaginations.
Therapeutic
Pessimism and the Retreat From Social Activism
Psychoanalysis
- its theory-building, deconstruction, and evolutiondoes not
exist apart from the social context and intellectual Zeitgeist
surrounding it. The argument advanced here that the emerging
constructivist sensibility in psychoanalysis has both liberated
us from an authoritarian technique and sponsored a retreat from
therapeutics has also been made in response to the broader postmodern
march through academia Uacoby, 1987; Lasch, 1995; Gitlin, 1996).
This march, beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, can be seen as
the intellectual expression of the social ferment of the times,
a ferment in which various radical challenges to the status quo-the
antiwar, student, civil rights, Black nationalist, and feminist
movements-began to make inroads into changing traditional structures
of power and consciousness. Postmodern perspectives in the academy
began to proliferate, and in departments ranging from architecture
to English, traditional canons and authorities were challenged.
The postmodernisms pointed out how the traditional Enlightenment
ideals of Reason, Progress, and Equality were riddled with hypocrisy
and contradiction because they excluded the interests and voices
of minorities and women. They challenged the glorification of
objectivity and science as universal virtues and showed how these
values covered over prejudice and supported the interests of
ruling elites. Their aim was to deconstruct beliefs in universal
truth found in various disciplines and proposed, instead, a more
perspectivel, democratic, and relativist approach. As Lehman
(1991) put it in his analysis of the historical appeal of deconstruction, "Deconstruction
capitalizes on the crisis of authority and the crisis of faith;
it proposes a radical skepticism that suits the temper of a generation
that came of age amidst credibility gaps, hype campaigns, and
spin doctors" (p. 70). The postmodern impulse in psychoanalysis
clearly flows from the same intellectual wellsprings and had
a similar effect in provoking a reconsideration among analysts
of so-called universal truths about psychology and therapy and
an appreciation of the subjective and biased interests that lie
behind claims to objectivity.
But the world
changed, and so did postmodernism. By 1975, progressive social
change movements had been defeated or were politically enervated.
Our society had begun to turn more conservative (Edsall and Edsall,
1991; Derber, 1992; Wallis, 1994; Lerner, 1996). Unhinged from
any effective public political movement, postmodern academics
turned their energies toward more conventional uses: publishing,
getting tenure, professional status. This narrowing and professionalization
of the academic lives of former radicals mirrored the retreat
from practical political engagement in the culture as a whole. (footnote
5)
Postmodernism
began to be so estranged from social practice that its critical
edge became blunted, its discourse more abstract. Terry Eagleton
wrote: Poststructuralism "was a product of the blend of
euphoria and disillusionment, liberation and dissipation, carnival
and catastrophe which was 1968. Unable to break the structure
of state power, poststructuralism found it possible instead to
subvert the structure of language. Nobody, at least, was likely
to beat you over the head for doing so" [quoted in Lehmann,
1991, p. 73].
Born of a desire
to challenge traditional authority, democratize education, and
provide a justification for the various liberatory practices
in the 1960s and 1970s, important elements of postmodern theory
have become rarefied, specialized, and politically irrelevant.
It is not that the liberal and radical intellectuals who went
into academia are no longer personally liberal or even radical.
It is more that in the context of an enervated and dissipated
left or liberal movement, politically apathetic and economically
worried student bodies, and a prevailing conservative cynicism
about the ideals of the past, these former radicals have taken
to developing theory for its own sake and not for the sake of
affecting or inspiring real social change. Speaking of deconstruction,
Eagleton described this move toward political impotence: "[Deconstruction]
... is mischievously radical in respect of everyone else's opinions,
able to unmask the most solemn declarations as mere dishevelled
plays of signs, while utterly conservative in every other way.
Since it commits you to affirming nothing, it is as injurious
as blank ammunition" (Lehmann, 1991, p. 74).
The postmodern
emphasis in psychoanalysis on epistemology, initially offering
a useful corrective to a rigid and extreme form of positivism
in classical technique, now risks firing blanks in the project
of generating useful principles of technique that help the clinician "on
the ground." The refreshing and liberating ethos of modesty,
spontaneity, and respect for the patient's subjectivity that
infuses the constructivist sensibility makes the clinical encounter
more human, but its emphasis on epistemology makes it difficult
to concretely translate this spirit into achieving better results.
Psychoanalysis needs to apply itself to the scientific and practical
task of getting better results and of describing how we get there.
Curing patients is our equivalent of the activist changing the
world. The postmodern turn in analysis, like the postmodern trend
in academia, began with a critical thrust but has retreated from
the clinical trenches into a relatively academic discourse with
questionable applicability. Instead of responding to the attacks
on psychotherapy and psychoanalysis with a renewed attempt to
show concretely how we practically help people and how our theory
can generate principles of technique that can be refined to help
people better, we are tending to go the way of the postmodern
academic and lose ourselves in elegant but potentially solipsistic
theory. Gitlin (1996), speaking of the postmodern retreat in
academia from politics, suggested that "while the Right
was occupying the heights of the political system, the assemblage
of groups identified with the Left were marching on the English
department" (p. 148). We as analysts have to be careful
that we do not leave ourselves open to a similar criticism that
is, that we are more interested in what we cannot know in our
attempts to be helpful than in what we can know.
- Selfishness
and the Politics of Meaning, vol. 13, no. 3, 1998.
- You've
Lost That Lovin' Feeling:
The Problem of Sexual Boredom, vol. 13, no. 2, 1998.
- Post-Modernism
and Psychoanalysis: Fiddling While Rome Burns, vol. 12, no.
2, 1997.
- Why Can't
the Left Take Yes for an Answer? vol. 11, no. 5, 1996.
- The
Psychodynamics of Cynicism, vol. 11, no. 3, 1996.
- Bruce Springsteen,
Tom Joad, and the Politics of Meaning, vol. 11, no. 2, 1996.
- Can We
Still be Selfish After the Revolution: Sexual Ruthlessness,
vol. 10, no. 2, 1995.
- Shame
and the Resistance to Spirituality, vol. 9, no. 6, 1994.
- Helping
the Patient Get Better: Psychoanalysis, Optimism, and Social
Change, vol. 9, no. 3, 1994.
- Psychoanalytic
Update: The Old Psychoanalysis Just Ain't What It Used to Be,
vol. 8, no. 3, 1993.
- Psychoanalytic
Update: Social Constructivism, vol. 8, no. 1, 1993 (with Kim
Chernin).
- Is Psychiatry
Going Out of Its Mind? vol. 4, no. 4, 1989.
- The Nature
of Mental Illness: A Response to Reginald Zelnik's 'On Schizophrenia,
Reductionism, and Family Responsibility,' 1990.
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for Addictions in All the Wrong Places, vo. 3, no. 6, 1988.
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Mammoth Fights Back, vol. 2, no. 2, 1987.
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(1)
One of the main problems in discussing postmodernism in psychoanalysis
is that it does not exist as a monolithic entity. As Elliot
and Spezzano (1996) rightly pointed out, various sensibilities
can be called postmodern. No one theorist carries all of them. "There
are often significant differences on important matters between
theorists who typically get lumped together under the same
postmodem banner. And yet, we are always grappling with the
challenge of attempting to artificially define certain anchorpoints
of a position to have something solid with which to argue or
integrate. The task of defining a sensibility to assess its
strengths and weaknesses while still doing justice to the range
of opinions, variety of emphases,_ and idiosyncratic contributions
of it's supporters is a difficult one. If collapsed into a
unitary "it" or "they," the poly-vocal
conversation that postmodernism brings to psychoanalysis is
diminished.
On the other
hand, if seen in too much complexity and with too much appreciation
for its variety and particularity, the postmodern orientation
can be like an infinitely moving target, saying everything
in general but nothing in particular. It is said that the Eskimo
has 15 words for snow but to the rest of us, it is still transparently
meaningful to just say "it is snowing." In other
words, when we speak of postmodern psychoanalysis, I believe
that we all have the generalized sense that there is a multifaceted "something" there,
a "something" different or new that we are all trying
to understand and integrate, even if every time we try to define
that something in the abstract ("this is the essence of
postmodernism," "postmodernism says. . ." "so-and-so
is the epitome of the postmodern theorist . . ."), there
turns out to be four exceptions and a dozen nuanced variations
that are important. With these problems in mind, I nevertheless
argue that questions should be raised about biases in an approach
called postmodern, subsuming under this rubric such traditions
as social constructivisrn and hermeneutics.
return to article
(2)
I am grateful and owe a great debt to Owen Renik, Hal Sampson,
Kim Chernin, and Tom Rosbrow, valued colleagues with whom I
have had many hours of discussion and debate about the issues
I explore in this section.
return to article
(3)
Renik, then, does have a theory of validation involving observable
patient variables as key outcome criteria in his interpretive
hypothesis-testing. He believes that his empiricism leads him
to favor an ethic of self-disclosure in which the analyst attempts
to demystify her authority and expertise with patients. Renik
believes that this postmodern sensibility is ultimately justified
by the clinical outcomes he generates. In city experience,
however, such an ethic of self-disclosure is not patient-specific:
enough to provide an adequate clinical methodology. I-or instance,
in my experience, some patients seem to feel safer, lift repressions,
and deepen their work in response to interpersonal influences
based on idealizations whereas others seem to get worse or
shut clown in response to even the kind of tactful self-disclosures
that Renik recommends. 1 believe that although Renik's distrust
of certain forms of analytic authority is part of an important
contemporary critique, it also risks being too general and
immune to the particularity of the clinical moment. Ultimately,
because Renik views his ethical position as empirically warranted-whereas
I do not-the issue can only be settled through further studies
of clinical data and not by mere argument or assertion here.
return to article
(4)
I have argued elsewhere (Bader, 1994) that the "tilt" away
from therapeutic aims in mainstream psychoanalysis was due
to a number of factors: 1) Freud's conflicting identifications
as both scientist-researcher and physician-healer; 2) the need
to establish territorial boundaries between psychoanalysis
and other healing modalities by privileging insight over behavior
change; 3) the ideological battles over what constitutes "true" analysis
that raged within American psychoanalysis in the 1950s, particularly
in the debates over Alexander's approach; and 4) the disappointment
and even resignation among some analysts over the actual therapeutic
results of analysis. These factors operate "behind our
backs" and contribute to the bias, still commonly seen
in our literature, conferences, and training institutes, against
putting too much stock in the patient's symptomatic improvement.
return to article
(5)
Russell Jacoby (1987) viewed this trend as part of a decline
of the "public intellectual." By public intellectual,
he is referring to independent cultural and political theorists
(e.g., Edmund Wilson, laonel Trilling, C. Wright Mills, Irving
Howe, Simone de Beauvoir, etc.) who aimed their writing at
an educated lay audience and who saw themselves as contributing
to public life, a life not hidden and constructed by the university
but fully engaged with the events of the day.
return to article